Bezimena.org

From European Roma Rights Centre

Budapest, Prague, 23 November 2009: During a press conference today the Czech Prime Minister Mr Jan Fischer expressed his regret over instances of coerced sterilisation which have occurred in the country. From the 1970s until 1990, the Czechoslovak government sterilised Romani women programmatically, as part of policies aimed at reducing the “high, unhealthy” birth rate of Romani women. Until recently the practice continued, albeit sporadically.

The statement follows the adoption of a Motion by the Government of the Czech Republic, initiated by the Minister for Human Rights Michal Kocáb, expressing regret for instances of illegal sterilisation which have occurred. The Motion requires that, by 31 December 2009, the Ministry of Health undertakes a series of measures to ensure that such violations do not occur anymore.

Following the 2005 Final Statement by the Czech Ombudsman confirming the illegality of the practice of coerced sterilisation and 6 years of advocacy, awareness raising and litigation, the Group of Women Harmed by Coercive Sterilisation, Life Together, Peacework Development Fund, the European Roma Rights Centre, the League of Human Rights and the Center for Reproductive Rights welcome the Czech government’s acknowledgement of the very serious human rights violations inflicted upon Czech women, overwhelmingly of Romani origin. Acknowledgement of the practice is a crucial step in the process of providing redress.

Elena Gorolova, the spokesperson of the Group of Women Harmed by Sterilisation stated: “The apology means a first step towards long awaited justice although much remains to be done. Also we hope that this apology will serve as an example to Slovakia, where the problem of coercive sterilisation still has not been addressed.”

The Group of Women Harmed by Coercive Sterilisation, the European Roma Rights Centre, the League of Human Rights, Peacework Development Fund, Life Together and the Center for Reproductive Rights congratulate the Czech government for this milestone and call on it to move quickly to establish a mechanism to provide adequate compensation to women whose reproductive capacities were destroyed without their informed consent.

Rob Kushen, Managing Director of the European Roma Rights Centre, noted that “there are many hidden instances of coercive sterilisation. We urge the Czech government to step up investigative actions to ensure that all women who have suffered are identified and provided redress.” There are 20 outstanding complaints pending with the regional health authorities for investigation, which the groups hope will now be addressed with priority. The groups look forward to working together with the Czech authorities to further the cause for redress and safeguard the health of all women in the country.

From the 1970s until 1990, the Czechoslovak government sterilised Romani women programmatically, as part of policies aimed at reducing the “high, unhealthy” birth rate of Romani women. This policy was decried by the Czechoslovak dissident initiative Charter 77, and documented extensively in the late 1980s by dissidents Zbynek Andrs and Ruben Pellar. Helsinki Watch (now Human Rights Watch) addressed the issue in a comprehensive report published in 1992 on the situation of Roma in Czechoslovakia, concluding that the practice had ended in mid-1990. A number of cases of coercive sterilisations taking place in 1990 or before then in the Czech part of the former Czechoslovakia have also been recently documented by the ERRC. Criminal complaints filed with Czech and Slovak prosecutors on behalf of sterilised Romani women in each republic were dismissed in 1992 and 1993. No Romani woman sterilised by Czechoslovak authorities has ever received justice or even public recognition of the injustices to which they were systematically subjected under Communism.

During 2003 and 2004, the ERRC and partner organisations in the Czech Republic undertook a number of field missions to the Czech Republic to determine whether practices of coercive sterilisation have continued after 1990, and if they were ongoing to the present. The conclusions of this research indicate that there is significant cause for concern that to the present day, Romani women in the Czech Republic have been subjected to coercive sterilisations, and that Romani women are at risk in the Czech Republic of being subjected to sterilisation absent fully informed consent.

HELENA FERENCIKOVA, 23. Sterilized in 2001 in Ostrava.

During the course of research, researchers found that Romani women have been coercively sterilised in recent years in the Czech Republic. Cases documented include:

Cases in which explicit racial motive appears to have played a role during doctor-patient consultations.

In early 2005, about 25 of Romani women coercively sterilised by Czech medical officials established a victim advocacy group called the Group of Women Harmed by Sterilisation to press authorities to press for justice. On the occasion of the establishment of the group, spokesperson Helena Ferencikova said, “We want public recognition by the Czech government of our suffering. We are owed legal remedy because our fundamental rights have been systemically violated by Czech doctors and other officials. We have decided that we will not be silent anymore.”

HELENA BALOGOVA, 44 (left) Sterilized in 1991. ERNA GOROLOVA, 36 (right) Sterilized in 1990.

NATALIE ZIGOVA, 35. Sterilized in 1991.

Following their decision to come forward publicly, members of the Group of Women Harmed by Sterilisation — thus far an informal network of victims in the greater Ostrava area — were photographed by Andreea Anca-Strauss. The gallery of portraits presented here are part of her work for the ERRC.

NATASA BOTOSOVA, 38. Sterilized in 1991.

Seventy-six victims of coercive sterilisation — all but one of them women and the overwhelming majority of them Romani — have to date submitted complaints to the Czech Public Defender of Rights (“the Ombudsman”). Following discussions in late 2004, the Czech Ministry of Health established a panel to review files of alleged victims and provide answers to questions submitted by the Ombudsman. Although the panel has thus far met twice, it has not made public its findings, and to date none of the victims have yet seen justice.

KRISTINA BOLANOVA, 47 Sterilized in Ostrava region in 1985.

VERA MAKULOVA, 44. Sterilized in 1983 in Ostrava.

In September and November 2004, the ERRC and local partners sent two letters to the Czech Minister of Health, urging that independent experts in informed consent issues be included in the Ministry panel. To date however, the Ministry has not responded to either letter.

IVETA BIHARIOVA, 33 Sterilized in 2001.

OLGA KROSCENOVA, 39. Sterilized in Ostrava region in 1989.

On 4 March 2005, the first in a series of civil complaints in the matter was filed in an Ostrava court, on behalf of Helena Ferencikova, coercively sterilised by doctors in an Ostrava hospital in 2001. Human Rights Advocate Michaela Tomisova, Ms Ferencikova’s legal representative said, “Following first news of this action, we have been swamped with calls from other Romani women from all over the Czech Republic. The lawsuit on behalf of Ms. Ferencikova is only a first step. The Czech government needs to provide basic recognition that this problem exists and that there are many victims awaiting redress. It must make available easily accessible procedures with all due privacy guarantees such that all victims can come forward with dignity. The Czech government also needs to take the lead in providing a full and complete public account of the dimensions of the problem.”

IVETA HOLUBOVA, 28. Sterilized in 1997.

On these matters, the ERRC has worked closely with local partners Life Together, League of Human Rights and IQ Roma Service. Life Together has taken the lead on facilitating the establishment of the Group of Women Harmed by Sterilisation. The ERRC has provided expertise and funding support to Attorney Tomisova, based with local partner IQ Roma Service, as well as to Ms Anca-Strauss. The League of Human Rights has also provided legal expertise and has designed local media action. All partners have undertaken extensive field research throughout 2004 and 2005, following initial ERRC field research into the issue in 2003. Further legal action will follow in the coming period.

MARIA ZIGOVA, 42. Sterilized in 1997 in Ostrava.

Preuzeto sa AWID

Although some may assume that corruption is gender-neutral in terms of its lack of ethics and resource-depleting impact, corruption compounds the discrimination women already experience on large and small scales.

By Masum Momaya

Defined as “an inducement to do wrong by improper or unlawful means,”[1] corruption exists on all scales – through bribes exchanging hands in interpersonal transactions, through leaking local and national coffers and through transnational deals made outside of, or in spite of, regulatory mechanisms and oversight.

While some may assume that corruption is gender-neutral in terms of lack of ethics and resource-depleting impact, research shows that corruption compounds discrimination already experienced by women and other marginalized groups.[2] Generally, this compounding occurs as women attempt to take part in decision-making processes, seek provision of and protection for their rights and gain control over resources.[3]

Largely due to their social roles as caretakers, many women may be familiar with petty corruption – the kind that forces them to pay bribes for things like accessing utilities, securing school enrollment for their children, obtaining a driver’s permit or business license, taking out a loan or getting medicines or an examination by a doctor. Add a layer of corruption to gender-based discrimination, and these routine transactions become difficult.

In such situations, poor women often cannot pay bribes and some are forced to pay with sexual services or find a male patron to secure basic rights and services.[4]

Similarly, corruption at the macro-level in the political arena, in public sector contracting, in transnational business transactions and in development aid processes also compounds discrimination women already face in these spheres.

Corruption in the Political Arena

Worldwide, women are underrepresented as voters and candidates in elections. In the histories of most nations, women were legally prevented from casting ballots or standing as candidates. Today, even though these laws have been repealed almost everywhere, women still face barriers in politics due to corruption.

In the absence of strong campaign finance laws or oversight, many candidates receive money from sources that are corrupt or potentially corrupt. Not only are the sources of funding not often disclosed but sitting public officials, the majority of which are men, sometimes abuse government resources like office space, materials, phone and internet access and voter lists in their campaign operations.[5]

Since women are less likely to be tapped into the ‘old boys network’ when they stand as candidates, they have a marked disadvantage against those with money and access.

Similarly, candidates with access to money and power can bribe voters directly with food, cash and clothing – or threaten to withhold basic services if people do not vote for them. In Mexico, for example, voters testified that they had been “threatened with the withdrawal of subsidies under the state poverty-alleviation programme, Progresa, if they voted for the opposition.”[6]

Many voters also face electoral fraud and vote stuffing when they go to the polls. For instance, in the 2008 national elections in Pakistan, due to power imbalances within the home, men were able to take the identity cards of their female relatives, dress up in burqas, and go to the polling stations to cast extra votes as women. Party-affiliated workers working in concert with these voters oversaw the stations, and they did nothing to prevent or rectify this fraud.[7]

In Kenya, political candidates like Green Belt Movement leader Wangari Maathai have provided a counterexample to this ‘business as usual’ in politics by building a strong grassroots base of mainly women voters and small donors to succeed in elections.[8]

Corruption, however, is not just confined to elections. The ongoing presence and strength of lobbyists ensures that those with the ability to offer money and gifts gain privileged access and undue influence on policymakers.[9]

Also, once in power, high-level politicians, most of whom are men, often experience immunity from persecution and enjoy immense personal power.[10] For example, many heads of state have not been adequately tried and prosecuted for their part in war crimes, including the use of rape as a weapon of war.

On a day-to-day level, many high-level leaders also cannot be held accountable for their lack of delivering basic goods and services like food, water, electricity and medicine to their citizens. Here, with little access of channels of accountability alongside growing burdens as caretakers, women bear the brunt of providing for such goods and services when governments or their contracted suppliers fail to deliver.

Corruption in Public Sector Contracting

According to Transparency International, a global coalition against corruption, “on average, approximately 70% of central government expenditure turns in one-way or another into contracts. Contracts are sources of power to those who give them out, and targets of ambition for those who may receive them, making [them] particularly prone to abuse at the expense of public need.”[11]

Moreover, “public contracting is one way in which public policy is implemented, and it is an enormous and lucrative area of business. Think of pharmaceutical companies vying to supply a government vaccination program, the privatization of a government-owned telecommunications company, or the awarding of contracts to reconstruct destroyed infrastructure in Iraq.” [12]

Most of the awarding of contracts takes place through the informal meeting spaces of the old boys network rather than open and fair bidding processes. Women who, in addition to being shut out of these networks, have a hard time obtaining credit and licenses to start and grow businesses are rarely contenders for these contracts.

Meanwhile, since genuine efforts to serve the public interest and provide accessible, affordable services are often not the foremost criteria for awarding contracts, public funds are misused, fair competition is distorted, and basic needs are neglected.[13]

Again, women are often forced to compensate with their time and labor. For example, when private sector leaders with relationships to public officials were brought in to manage water distribution in places like Bolivia[14] and South Africa,[15] water was either not delivered or distributed at exorbitant costs. In addition to mobilizing to resist this, women had to find other means to get water and ward off ensuing health and sanitation challenges due to lack of clean, potable water.

Corruption in Transnational Business Transactions

Until the recent formulation and adoption of the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention in 1999, not only was it legal for companies to pay bribes to foreign public officials to secure contracts, they received tax breaks from their home governments for doing so. Today this is illegal, but the process of prosecution is so expensive and cumbersome that such bribery continues, often through the smokescreen of intermediaries.[16]

The arms trade and energy sector are particularly vulnerable to this form of corruption.[17] Due to its clandestine nature, it has been difficult to hold companies responsible for illegally selling arms to public officials, and the flood of arms into many countries has increased civilian violence and overall militarism, in which women and children are often victimized.

In the energy sector, as poor countries discover oil or gas reserves, the proceeds often seep into pockets of public officials and intermediary deal brokers.[18] Artificially high prices for fuel are set, and this, in turn, also inflates costs of fuel-dependent goods such as food. As women are most often the ones to compensate for changes in the cost of living, the burden of corruption’s effects bear down on them.

Corruption in Development Aid

Similarly, development aid can fuel corruption. Civil society organizations in countries with weak governance and large influxes of aid have warned that foreign assistance can sometimes present perverse incentives to invest in sectors and projects not prioritized by the receiving governments.[19] Aid can also distort salary structures and create opportunities for corruption by the private sector in countries where regulatory mechanisms are weak.[20]

Gender-differentiated impacts also ensue. For example, in the 1960s and 1970s, donor countries and agencies, and their private sector subsidiaries, including pharmaceutical companies, largely managed population control projects in the developing world. Sterilization and largely untested contraceptives were the primary means used to control population growth – in contrast to investment in sexual and reproductive health education and comprehensive services that accounted for the socioeconomic realities of women’s lives.[21] In some cases, relatively weak governments were unable to push back on such policies whereas in other cases, public officials in receiving countries were fully cooperative, pocketing some of the aid and profit for themselves.

Nevertheless, aid can also serve as an anti-corruption force – not through conditionalities – but by building strong transparency, accountability and regulatory systems. Implementing such an agenda takes foresight, skill and cooperation on the part of both donors and recipients and some international donors are taking active steps to implement anti-corruption measures.

Changing, Not Playing, the Game

In the end, regardless of the spheres in which corruption occurs, in order for women, other marginalized groups and ordinary citizens to not be multiply disadvantaged, nepotism, bribery, the undue influence of special interests and illegal, unethical dealings must be uprooted. Simultaneously, women and all other groups need more access to information. In many cases, women do have rights but are not aware of them or how to exercise them. In such cases, corrupt decision-makers are not challenged. Overall, the goal is not that more people enter the networks where corruption takes place so that they can ‘play the game’ but rather to change the rules of the game such that corruption doesn’t consume and monopolize resources that need to reach and benefit people.

References:

[1] www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/corruption

[2] www.transparency.org/publications/publications/working_papers/working_paper_no_03_2007_gender_and_corruption

[3] www.government.fi/ajankohtaista/puheet/puhe/en.jsp?toid=2236&c=0&moid=2239&oid=269212

[4] www.government.fi/ajankohtaista/puheet/puhe/en.jsp?toid=2236&c=0&moid=2239&oid=269212

[5] www.transparency.org/global_priorities/corruption_politics/political_finance

[6] www.transparency.org/global_priorities/corruption_politics/vote_buying

[7] www.imow.org/Wpp/Learn/Podcasts/Popup?id=83

[8] www.imow.org/wpp/stories/viewStory?storyId=1239

[9] www.transparency.org/global_priorities/corruption_politics/corporate_funding

[10] www.transparency.org/global_priorities/corruption_politics/corrupt_politicians

[11] www.transparency.org/global_priorities/public_contracting

[12] www.transparency.org/global_priorities/public_contracting

[13] www.transparency.org/global_priorities/public_contracting

[14] www.google.com/url?sa=t&source=web&ct=res&cd=1&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.menschen-recht-wasser.de%2Fdownloads%2FElizabeth_Peredo_Beltran_Water_Privatization_and_Conflicts_in_Bolivia.pdf&ei=1RrOSr7mLYKwNsHP5bYK&usg=AFQjCNGhS9XSl9hntTjVwz03JjfZ-OM3sg&sig2=3eaqKpztKfMWWjiX1husLA

[15] www.cbc.ca/news/features/water/southafrica.html

[16] www.transparency.org/global_priorities/corruption_politics/corporate_funding

[17] www.transparency.org/global_priorities/corruption_politics/corporate_funding

[18] www.transparency.org/global_priorities/corruption_politics/corporate_funding

[19] www.transparency.org/global_priorities/poverty/corruption_aid

[20] www.transparency.org/global_priorities/poverty/corruption_aid

[21] Bandarage, Asoka. Women, Population and the Global Crisis: A Political Analysis. London: Zed Books, 1997.

Article License: Creative Commons - Article License Holder: AWID

Preuzeto iz E-novina

U svojoj fashion-preporuci, pokojni patrijarh je poručivao: „Žena, kojoj je dika duga kosa, treba da se pokriva. Neće li da se pokriva – neka se šiša. Kako žene baš tako postupaju, tj. seku kosu, znači ne moraju ni da se pokrivaju. Isto bi izlazilo iz postavke: „Ako je ružno ženi da se šiša, neka se pokriva“

„Srbi ne mogu da žive sa Hrvatima ni u kakvoj državi. Ni u kakvoj Hrvatskoj“ (u pismu lordu Karingtonu, avgust 1991.)

„Mnoge majke, koje nisu želele da imaju više od jednog deteta,danas čupaju kose i gorko ridaju nad izgubljenim sinovima, u ovim ratnim sukobima, proklinjući često Boga i ljude, ali pri tom zaboravljajući da optuže sebe što nisu rodile jos dece da im ostanu kao uteha. (u Božićnoj poslanici, 1995.).

„Nalažući ženama kao obavezu, bez obzira na sve loše osobine muža, da bude poslušna i da mu čini ustupke, hrišćanstvo vidi u tome sredstvo za ukorenjivanje mira u bračnim odnosima i ponovno uspostavljanje bračne sreće, to je stav Srpske pravoslavne crkve. („Da nam budu jasnija neka pitanja naše vere“ Beograd , 1998.)

„Majke začinju jer je to skopčano sa uživanjem i zadovoljstvom ali neće da rađaju i podižu decu jer je to naporno i tobož ugrožava njihov komoditet. (Božićna poslanica 2002.)

“Oni koji krštenjem nisu ušli u Crkvu Božiju, nego su van nje, nemaju mogućnosti da se koriste njenim blagodatnim sredstvima, kao što grančica divlje masline nenakalemljena na pitomu ne može imati udela u masnom korenu njenom”. („Da nam budu jasnija neka pitanja nase vere“ Beograd , 1998.)

“(…) I nekršteni roditelji mogu davati obećanja, ali kako će to oni moći izvesti, i kako će to hteti izvršiti kad sami neće da se krste. Kako će moći dete vaspitavati hrišćanski kad sami ne žele da budu hrišćani, jasno je samo po sebi(…) zbog nečeg spoljašnjeg, nebitnog” („Da nam budu jasnija neka pitanja nase vere“ Beograd, 1998.)

“Blaženi Avgustin ovakve odnose (korišćenje kontracepcije, op. red.) karakteriše još težim rečima veleći: ‘Ova razbludna okrutnost i okrutna razbluda ide katkad tako daleko te pribavlja i otrove za besplodnost’ (…) uzdržanje je jedino moralno dozvoljeno sredstvo da se ne rađa, kako van braka, u monaštvu i celibatu, tako i u braku…“(„Da nam budu jasnija neka pitanja naše vere“ Beograd , 1998.)

“Od početka ženi je kosa bila ukras, i sama od sebe težila je da ima što dužu kosu: ‘Ženi je slava ako gaji dugačku kosu’. To je u stvari izraz same prirode, po kojoj žena ne treba da otkriva glavu, te joj je kosu dala kao pokrivač.(…) Priroda je unapred ustrojila da bi ti bila pokrivena. A ti dodaj nešto od sebe, da ne bi izgledalo da narušavaš zakone prirode.” („Da nam budu jasnija neka pitanja naše vere“ Beograd , 1998.)

“Žena, kojoj je dika duga kosa, treba da se pokriva. Neće li da se pokriva – neka se šiša. Kako žene baš tako postupaju, tj. seku kosu, znači ne moraju ni da se pokrivaju. Isto bi izlazilo iz postavke: ‘Ako je ružno ženi da se šiša (…) neka se pokriva’ “(„Da nam budu jasnija neka pitanja naše vere“ Beograd , 1998.)

“Zato, ako se pogled na šišanje kose kod žena izmenio, nije se izmenilo biblijsko učenje o postanku muža i žene, te nema osnova da se menja simbol tog učenja – pokrivanje glave.” („Da nam budu jasnija neka pitanja nase vere“ Beograd , 1998.)

“U sadašnje vreme, Pravoslavna crkva nije protiv toga da žene nose pantalone zbog prirode posla koji vrše, na primer, u fabrikama, ili putovanju zimi na konjima, motociklu, skijanju i tako dalje… Crkva je protiv takvog oblačenja kad je ono zbog mode i pogrešnog shvatanja jednakosti polova (…) Žene nisu poželjne u crkvi tokom menstruacije, ali savremena higijenska sredstva mogu efikasno sprečiti da se slučajnim istečenjem krvi hram ne učini nečistim, kao i ublažiti zadah koji isticanjem krvi nastaje. Smatram da sa te strane nema smetnji da žena za vreme mesečnog pranja, uz potrebnu obazrivost i preduzete higijenske mere može dolaziti u crkvu, celivati ikone, primiti naforu i osvećenu vodicu, kao i učestvovati u pojanju. Ali, pričestiti se u tom stanju, ili nekrštena krstiti se, ne bi mogla. No, u smrtnoj bolesti može se i pričestiti i krstiti. “(„Da nam budu jasnija neka pitanja nase vere“ Beograd , 1998.)

“Za pokret žena koje na razliku polova gledaju tako, rečeno je s pravom da u suštini znači ‘samo težnju za prelaženjem iz materinstva u prostituciju. On je kao celina više emancipacija bludnice nego žene’ (dr Oto Vajninger, Pol i karakter, Beograd 1938). Od žena zahvaćenih ovakvim bezbožnim idejama Velikog Inkvizitora, da u grehu ljudsko biće može dostići sreću, bilo bi iluzorno očekivati da se potrude samo da shvate, a kamoli prihvate smirenost i poslušnost, i pokrivanje glave kao simbol usvajanja tih evanđeoskih vrlina.” („Da nam budu jasnija neka pitanja nase vere“ Beograd , 1998.)

“Biti Srbin znači biti obavezno pravoslavac… Srbin ne može biti ateista… Srbin nekršten ne biva”. („Da nam budu jasnija neka pitanja nase vere“ Beograd , 1998.)

“Jasno je da drugog puta nije bilo. Tako je sada i nama nametnut rat. Zato je taj naš rat pravedan jer je odbrambeni. Ne napadački ni osvajački“. ( Duga 10-23 april 1999.)

“Ratovi i čitav okean prolivene srpske krvi. Stradanje i nevolje su karakteristika proteklog veka, ali njegova ocena može da stane samo u jednu reč – neuspeh. Tako mnogo ratova, tako mnogo krvi, a tako malo mira. A i mir koji smo imali u proteklih 100 godina kao da nije bio pravi mir, već smo u njemu stvarali podlogu za nove sukobe i ratove. Državni i ideološki avanturizam 20. veka skupo su koštali i Srpsku crkvu i srpski narod. I posle svega, ostaje da novi vek i novi milenijum počnemo u uslovima potpune krize. Mnogi su nazivi i osobine krize u kojoj se nalazimo, ali u osnovi se nalazi ona najdublja i najteža moguća kriza – a to je kriza čovečnosti” (Božićna poslanica 2000.)

Bog je čoveku dao slobodu, ali je čovek time postao i odgovoran za svoja dela i postupke. Mnogi se danas bore za slobodu, za prava pojedinaca i zajednice, ali tu slobodu, po svome ogrehovljenom umu, shvataju kao pravo čoveka da čini sve što hoće, čak i da drugima ugrožava slobodu, pa i sam život. Borba za takvu slobodu često se naziva zvučnim imenima: borba za ljudska prava, borba protiv ugnjetavanja, revolucija i tako dalje (Božićna poslanica 2002.)

„Smatramo da je najbolji odnos između države i crkve onaj koji je već bivao i pre, to je simfonija – saglasnost između države, odnosno društva i crkve“. (intervju, Danas, 5-7. januara 2002.)

„Zbog tog spasonosnog jedinstva pozivamo svu našu pravoslavnu braću u Crnoj Gori da se u međusobnoj ljubavi saberu oko kolevke Bogomladenca Hrista, jer su, bez obzira na razlike u plemenskom i nacionalnom izjašnjavanju braća i po Bogu i po zajedničkim precima. I poručujemo im da nas ne spasavaju ni nacije ni partije nego Crkva Božja čiju uzvišenu službu mira i spasenja vrši Mitropolija crnogorsko – primorska i ostale Svetosavske eparhije u Crnoj Gori. Zato se molimo Bogu da mir svoj i božićnu radost izlije na sve one koji u miru, ljubavi i veri žive.“ (Božićna poslanica 2005.)

“..Kosovo nam je drugo ime za najviša načela, za istinu i pravdu, za poredak i pravo, a Kosovski zavet nam je primenjeni Novi Zavet. Zato je pitanje Kosovo i Metohija neodvojivo od pitanja Srbije i sudbine srpskog naroda…“ (Poruka u Pravoslavlju, od 15. marta 2007.)

„Mnogi narodi mukom i krvlju stečenu slobodu brane od nasilja globalističkog sistema. U ime lažne slobode i demokratije nameću se gotova rešenja, unapred spakovana. Svedoci smo najnovije drame – opet drame nas pravoslavnih Srba – na Kosovu i Metohiji. Nemalo nevolja ima naš narod i u Bosni i Hercegovini, u Hrvatskoj i, nažalost, u Crnoj Gori. (…) Milioni običnih ljudi žrtve su nemaštine i gladi, dok manji broj živi u neograničenoj raskoši i telesnim zadovoljstvima. Mnogi narodi mukom i krvlju stečenu slobodu brane od nasilja globalističkog sistema” (Uskršnja poslanica 2007.)

„Danas milioni duhovno osiromašenih i moralno opustošenih ljudi, zaneseni sjajem prolaznih stvari, žive u ovom svetu kao u hladnom grobu. Zar se svet ne pretvara u fabriku i tržište lažnog sjaja i prolaznih vrednosti? Zar se danas često ne govori da čovek i bez neba može mirno da hoda po zemlji.” (Uskršnja poslanica 2009.)